Wednesday, February 19, 2003

- TERAO Terumi on Demonstration in Nagoya, Japan

Rally and Demonstration in downtown Nagoya, Japan

Feb. 16th 1:30pm:Rally “Stop the War! 2-16Gathering”
at the Hisaya-Square
Number of attendant:200
2:30pm:Peace Demonstration started
Number of demonstrators:400

Organized by Peace Action against the Contingency Legistration, the rally attracted about 200 citizens mostly from Aichi Prefecture and from Gifu and Mie Prefectures including several permanently-residing Koreans. Also, 15 people from Canada, Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Kazakhstan, Tunisia and the United States attended the rally.

Headed by drums and a sanshin(a traditional three-string-lute of Okinawa) performance, 200 attendants of the rally started lively for the Peace March, crying out “NO War, Love Peace” and other anti-war phrases, sometimes in English. An Iranian man and many Japanese pedestrians joined the march

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- Victor Grossman on Berlin Demo

Berlin demonstrated too - and how!

By Victor Grossman, Berlin

Posted on Portside

It’s a bit late, but there may still be interest in the anti-war demonstration on Saturday in Berlin, Germany and a few special angles. But first off, like those around the globe, it was colossal. The planning committee, facing unending problems, difficulties and occasional disagreements, hoped against hope to have 100,000 participants,about the number as at the demonstration last May when Bush visited Berlin. But the committee, and just about everyone else, was overwhelmed when between 350,000 (a police estimate) and 500,000 (the organizers figure) poured in from all parts of Germany.The giant crowds gathered both in central East Berlin and central West Berlin and joined together at the big victory column in the middle of Berlin’s big park, the Tiergarten. The program featured the head of Germany’s (and the world’s?) biggest labor union (with the acronym ver.di), an outspoken Protestant pastor, plus leading musicians, actors and actresses. Good as it was, it was eclipsed by the sheer magnitude of the march and by its variety, with religious denominations, unions, political parties from Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) to far left Maoist and revolutionary Turkish parties. But most participants seemed to be ordinary, largely unorganized citizens who just wanted to say “No” to war. The imagination displayed in the signs and banners was amazing - and represented all possible views and a highly imaginative sense of humor.

What were the special factors, aside from the fact that this was Berlin, once the starting point of the biggest and worst war in history? First of all, the nearly total absence of police - except those guarding the street where the U.S. Embassy is located. But no-one tried to break though hte fortress-like defenses, the thousands of good-natured but resolute demonstrators just kept moving along, with only an occasional whistle or catcall aimed at the embassy a block away. The lack of police provocation - already noted at a few other recent demonstrations - may be a result of the coalition city government - made up of Social Democrats (SPD) and Democratic Socialists (PDS). But it also reflected official German opposition to US government plans for war on Iraq. Yet it was here that some views expressed on banners and posters were divided. A minority praised SPD chancellor Schroeder and Green Foreign Minister Fischer for standing up to the Bush bunch. Many more, however, warned the government to stick to this position, but also to prove its intentions by withdrawing tanks from Kuwait, barring fly-over rights for US warplanes and not taking on guard jobs at US bases in Germany, thus permitting US soldiers to be sent off to destroy Baghdad and Basra. Some trust Schroeder and Fischer, many don’t, but I think these differences lost their immediacy on Saturday in the face of the general demand for peace, regardless of views on other subjects.

Right-wing crtics of this giant new peace movement constantly complain that it is “anti-American”, hence ungrateful to the USA and all it had done to “save Germany from both the Nazis and the Communists.” Aside from the very false aspects of this - they somehow seem to forget that the USSR played a far greater role in beating the Nazis than the western countries) and also overlook the (East) German Democratic Republic - the charge was just not true. Banners and slogans I saw and the speeches I read (I could not get close enough to the central stage to hear them) were never anti-American, only anit-Bush and anti-Rumsfeld. (And many people answered the latter’s remarks with stickers saying “Old Europe"). And, to answer another false charge, I never saw a single slogan praising Saddam Hussein. Some opposed him - but said an invasion and war were not the way to get rid of him.

Another aspect is worth mentioning. Schroeder has become exceedingly unpopular in recent months, with the economy faltering dangerously and the jobless rate soaring (especially in the old GDR areas). The right-wing Christian Democrats (CDU) have tried to use this unpopularity to disparage his current anti-war position, saying it “isolates” Germany (though from whom, after the weekend demonstrations, it would be hard to determine!). Their pro-Bush views have been repeated loudly in much of the printed media. But many TV channels reported the demonstration, its preparations, and the general pro-peace movement here and in the world more fairly than I have ever seen before.

This was demonstrated by their repeated showing of the moving statement by Dustin Hoffman in a major Berlin concert hall. His quiet, firm words: “I am not anti-American, but I am against the views of the present administration” were met by a second of silence, then thunderous applause. Germans are split on many issues, but a very large majority want peace.

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-Richard Wilcox in Tokyo (Demo Report)

There was a peace rally in Shibuya, Tokyo which began in Miyashita park at 6:30 pm on February 15. About a thousand people attended, I would guess, maybe more than that (according to the Communist party newspaper, there wer e 5,000 protestors that evening). There was a good cross section of young and old, Japanese and foreigners in attendance and the mood was jovial despite the impending holocaust of war.

Just a day earlier I had read on the BBC World News website (via [url=http://www.antiwar.com]http://www.antiwar.com)[/url] that Japan had publically announced that it would attack North Korea in a preemptive strike if it had evidence. According to one Japanese friend who monitors the media, this major story was not covered in the Japanese media. The truth must be kept from the “great beast”. The general public eschew war as a solution and seemed sympathetic to our march that wound around the trendy Shibuya area of Tokyo.

My own poster read on one side: “No More Bushit” and on the other side: “Shut Down Capitalism”. Thank you to Patrick McNally for coining the term “Bushit”, it was a big hit among foreigners in attendance who got the joke and most Japanese seemed to at least get the “No Bush” idea and gave smiles and thumbs up from their cars and street side. One foreigner approached me and said how great the “Shut Down Capitalism” slogan was, and it turned out he was also in the US Green Party (Duane Sturm and his wife).

There were many many other great posters and banners as well, too many to comment on.

The previous night I heard that 40,000 people (I can’t verify that number) attended a peace rally in Sendagaya, central Tokyo.

(NOTE: organizers say about 25,000--TP)

It is heartening that most Japanese seem to oppose Bush despite the Japanese media support for the US war on Iraq, and that Koizumi as junior partner in the military alliance has not yet wavered his support as have the French and Germans. Still, I am not convinced that just because most people oppose the war they will actually do anything to stop it. People in Tokyo are nationalistic in their opposition to Bush but still support (at least superficially) ultra rightists like PM Koizumi and Tokyo mayor Ishihara (Japan holocaust denier among other noted achievements). Yet here again, the media treat people like mushrooms: fed them manure and keep them in the dark. Public ignorance and confusion is understandable in such a situation.

Richard Wilcox, Tokyo

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- Anti-war statistics

Do you believe that President Chirac’s position on the Iraq crisis is justified?
Yes: 83.0% France

Should Bulgaria adopt the same stance on the Iraq crisis as France and Germany.
Yes: 76.0% Bulgaria

Is the U.S. a warmongering nation?
Yes: 84.0% Germany
Yes: 85.0% Italy
Yes: 81% Spain
Yes: 88% Switzerland

No participation without second resolution
Yes: 91% (No participationa t all 65%) United Kingdom

http://www.indymedia.org/front.php3?article_id=238244&group=webcast

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Tuesday, February 18, 2003

- Wakana Yokota on NY demonstration

Hi. I am Wakana Yokota, who goes to school in Boston now. I went to the protest in NY on Feb 15. It was a great experience, and I was really happy to be there being a part of the big crowd. I left Boston about 7:00 am and I arrived at 45 street, 9th ave in NYC at 10:30am. I was going to 47 street 1st ave, but police blocked streets so I couldn’t get there. Around 11:00am, many people gradually gathered and started walking, so I just followed them. There were many children and mothers and fathers, older poeple, young people. I even didn’t know how big the crowd was becuase I was in the middle of the people and hardly could see out side of the crowd(Iam short!). I just knew that there were so many people. People shouted into the sky,"we want peace!” Manhattan echoed with thier voices, which was the most beautiful, warmest, and strontest sound I ever heard.

There was a group of young people who were palying music and dancing. They were so beautiful. I haven’t seen such a beautiful thing for a while. I I saw many people moving thier bodies with music, smiling, and singing. That was such a beautiful moment in the world.

The protest was quite peaceful besides police. I ever saw so many police men at the same time. They blocked streets so every time people were blocked they had to find another way to go. Police took hourses and cars and blocked streets. I heard some people were injured because a horse run into the crowd. I accidentally came in front, and a horse passed in front of me. That was scarely, but I was totally fine besides that.

People kept marching unitll 4 or 5 pm. I sitll feel like that I was in a dream. Feb 15 is definitely one of the greatest experiences in my life. I am very proud that I was with those warm and strong people in NYC.

Thank you very much

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Sunday, February 16, 2003

- Shibuya Demo

PRESS RELEASE: Feb. 16, 2003
RICHARD WILCOX, AGITATOR

There was a peace rally in Shibuya, Tokyo last night which began in Miyashita park at 6:30 pm on February 15. About a thousand people attended, I would guess, maybe more than that. There was a good cross section of young and old, Japanese and foreigners in attendance and the mood was jovial despite the impending holocaust or war.

There were many many other great posters and banners as well, too many to comment on.

The previous night I heard that 40,000 people (I can’t verify that number) attended a peace rally in Sendagaya, central Tokyo.

Richard Wilcox, Tokyo

Antiwar posters webpage from US:
http://www.designaction.org/morelinks.html

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Saturday, February 15, 2003

- World Protests (Japan too)

5000 March in Tokyo
http://nyc.indymedia.org/front.php3?article_id=47309&group=webcast

Report from Rick Wilcox on the scene in Shibuya

http://sf.indymedia.org/news/2003/02/1574213.php
or
http://nyc.indymedia.org/front.php3?article_id=47344&group=webcast

Osaka
http://nyc.indymedia.org/front.php3?article_id=47313&group=webcast

New York- 700,000?
http://f15.nycimc.org/cache/nyc.indymedia.org/

Live Updates
http://f15.nycimc.org/

London 1.5-2 million
http://bristol.indymedia.org/

Melbourne-200,000
http://melbourne.indymedia.org/

World
http://indymedia.org/

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Tuesday, February 11, 2003

- Urgent Appeal on Iraq by Scholars of Allied Occupation of Japan

U.S. PLANS FOR WAR AND OCCUPATION IN IRAQ ARE A HISTORICAL MISTAKE
An Urgent Appeal from Students of the Allied Occupation of Japan

The administration of U.S. President George W. Bush has announced plans to occupy Iraq, following “pre-emptive” military strikes, based on the so-called Japanese model—the post-World War II Allied occupation of Japan. As students of the Japanese occupation, we protest this reckless and self-serving misreading of history and strongly urge the U.S. government to reconsider its ill-conceived project of war and occupation.

A careful look at the Japanese example suggests many reasons why that experience is inapplicable to U.S. plans for a post-invasion Iraq.

The U.S.-led occupation of Japan (1945-52) derived its legitimacy from a broad Allied consensus, as expressed in the Potsdam Proclamation, issued by Britain and the United States on July 26, 1945. Emperor Hirohito and the Japanese government agreed to accept the Potsdam terms, surrender unconditionally, and dismantle the Imperial armed forces. As a result, during the six years and eight months of the Allied presence, there were no armed clashes or serious incidents between American military forces and the Japanese people. The occupation was able to proceed peacefully and in a spirit of relative good will.

The Allied army of occupation relied on a staff composed largely of American civilian administrators who induced democratic reform by working indirectly through already existing governmental institutions and agencies. As a result, the emperor, the Japanese government, and the people cooperated in demilitarizing and democratizing the country.

The framework proposed for a post-invasion Iraq is radically different. There is no broad legal or moral consensus for the Bush administration’s Iraq project, which is opposed by world opinion and by most of America’s close allies. An occupation probably would be carried out unilaterally by U.S. armed forces acting solely on Washington’s authority. It is difficult to imagine Saddam Hussein doing a volte face and cooperating with the American occupier, as did Emperor Hirohito. Indeed, that is why President Bush is determined to overthrow the Iraqi dictator. The destruction of Hussein’s government, however, may also preclude the possibility of a peaceful occupation.

Japan’s Asian neighbors, victims of Japanese wartime aggression, supported the Allied occupation. Some, such as China and the Philippines, also participated in the Far Eastern Commission, the Allied policy-making body for post-defeat Japan. Iraq’s neighbors are Muslim societies sharing a common Islamic culture and history. They are strongly against American plans to topple Saddam Hussein and replace his government with a pro-Western regime and will oppose even more fiercely the presence of a large non-Muslim garrison force. Moreover, a U.S. occupation may further inflame the Palestinian problem, making peace in the Middle East difficult, if not impossible, to attain.

If U.S. plans for Iraq bear no resemblance to the Japanese example, why, then, does the Bush administration persist in such a spurious comparison? The Allied occupation of Japan not only reformed the nation’s political institutions, insuring the rapid transition from militarism to democracy, but revitalized the economy, laying the foundation for Japan’s emergence as an industrial superpower. At the same time, however, it subordinated the new political system and Japan’s foreign policy to U.S. strategic interests in Asia, producing, after the return of sovereignty, a long-term “subordinate independence.” This appears to be the real significance of the Bush administration’s disingenuous effort to resurrect the “Japanese model.” The current U.S. occupation project, as conveyed by the media, appears to be a cynical attempt to justify Washington’s bellicose Iraq policy and promote its post-invasion plans for the region.

The success of an American military occupation in Iraq is highly problematic. In Japan, the reform program moved ahead relatively smoothly due to a prewar democratic tradition, the absence of armed conflict, the maintenance of internal social order, and the survival of governing institutions, including the emperor. Iraq does not have a similar history of democratic governance. U.S. plans to kill or overthrow Saddam Hussein and place top Iraqi leaders on trial could lead to protracted fighting and internal disorder. Even Iraqis who hate Hussein may not welcome the destruction of their political and social institutions. In a worst-case scenario, the American attack is expected to kill or maim hundreds of thousands of civilians, ruin the economy, and disrupt food delivery, health services, and sanitation. Far from “democratizing” Iraq, U.S. military rule most likely will intensify tribal, ethnic, and religious conflicts. Lack of popular support and wartime control under conditions of belligerency will necessitate continuing authoritarian governance.

Moreover, the Pentagon has recommended the use of nuclear arms against Iraq in a battlefield emergency. Contingency plans for the use of weapons of mass destruction mock any suggestion of legitimacy for a “pre-emptive” war and occupation and further erode America’s claims to moral authority. Remembering Japan’s experience of atomic holocaust, we deplore such thinking in the strongest possible terms.

An occupation of Iraq seems destined to fail for another reason. Whereas Japan possessed few natural resources, Iraq has the world’s second largest proven reserves of petroleum. Iraqis may well conclude that the U.S. invasion and occupation are designed mainly to gain unrestricted access to their oil fields. Few are likely to collaborate with an occupation authority that is believed to covet this prime resource for its own use.

American occupying forces will encounter yet another obstacle. U.S. policy planning for postwar Japan began three years before the defeat. Thousands of Americans studied Japan’s history and language and, in the last year of the war, underwent intensive training in civil administration. The occupation succeeded due in part to the detailed knowledge these administrative experts acquired about Japan’s social and political institutions and culture. There is no evidence that the United States is now preparing a similar group of dedicated experts or developing comparable post-invasion policies consonant with Iraq’s history, political system, and culture.

Another striking difference is the preponderant role played by General Douglas MacArthur in effecting a positive outcome. The charismatic Allied Supreme Commander had an understanding of Japan’s history and cultural traditions. He earned the respect of ordinary people, enabling him to wield enormous civil authority effectively and implement liberal reforms quickly. MacArthur also attempted to propagate Christianity in hopes that Japan would become a Christian nation, but not even he was able to challenge traditional religious beliefs. Despite MacArthur’s best efforts, the small Christian community failed to grow during the occupation.

We see no military figure of comparable moral or intellectual stature in the United States today. With or without such an individual, however, it is absurd to imagine that an American military occupation can, in a short period of time, win the confidence and cooperation of the Iraqi people, bridge ethnic and religious differences, overhaul their national institutions, and bring about a change in thinking based on American political values and ideological beliefs.

Japan has a special obligation to warn its American ally against such folly. Yet, instead of offering wise counsel, the Japanese government is at work on a new law that will skirt the Constitution’s war-renouncing Article 9 and send Self-Defense Forces to provide “humanitarian support” for American soldiers and sailors in the Persian Gulf. We call on the Japanese people and their elected representatives to remember Japan’s own tragic experience of war and occupation and to decide for themselves the most appropriate way to assist the Iraqi people .

If history is not to repeat itself, we who have lived through the horrors of this “century of war” have a moral duty to transmit its painful lessons to those who inherit the new century.

As students of the Japanese occupation, we believe that the Bush administration’s plans for war and occupation in Iraq are a historical mistake and strongly urge the United States to seek a peaceful solution to the present crisis.

January 24, 2003

AWAYA Kentaro (Professor, St. Paul’s University, Japan)

Hans H. BAERWALD (former Occupation official, Professor Emeritus, UCLA, U.S.)

Herbert P. BIX (Professor, Binghamton University, U.S.)

Bruce CUMINGS (Professor, University of Chicago, U.S.)

John W. DOWER (Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, U.S.)

Norma FIELD (Professor, University of Chicago, U.S.)

FURUKAWA Atsushi (Professor, Senshu University, Japan)

Andrew GORDON (Professor, Harvard University, U.S.)

Laura E. HEIN (Professor, Northwestern University, U.S.)

Glenn D. HOOK (Professor, University of Sheffield, U.K.)

HOSOYA Masahiro (Professor, Doshisha University, Japan)

KOSEKI Shoichi (Professor, Dokkyo University, Japan)

J. Victor KOSCHMANN (Professor, Cornell University, U.S.)

C. Douglas LUMMIS (Political scientist and writer, Okinawa, Japan)

Gavan MCCORMACK (Professor, Australian National University, Australia)

Richard M. MINEAR (Professor, University of Massachusetts, U.S.)

MIYAGI Etsujiro (Professor Emeritus, Ryukyu University, Japan)

Michael MOLASKY (Associate Professor, University of Minnesota, U.S.)

Joe B. MOORE (Professor, University of Victoria, Canada)

NAKAMURA Masanori (Professor Emeritus, Hitotsubashi University, Japan)

Robert RICKETTS (Professor, Wako University, Japan)

Mark SELDEN (Professor, Binghamton University, U.S.)

SODEI Rinjiro (Professor Emeritus, Hosei University, Japan)

TAKEMAE Eiji (Professor Emeritus, Tokyo Keizai University, Japan)

TANAKA Yoshiyuki (Professor, Hiroshima Peace Research Institute, Japan)

TOYOSHITA Narahiko (Professor, Kansei Gakuin University, Japan)

YUI Daizaburo (Professor, Tokyo University, Japan)

For more information, please contact Robert Ricketts:

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Sunday, February 09, 2003

- The Disquieted American by Chalmers Johnson

Daniel Ellsberg’s leaks from inside the Pentagon helped to end the Vietnam war. On the eve of another unpopular war, Chalmers Johnson holds out for an Ellsberg in the Bush administration…

--reprinted from The Guardian (UK) February 6, 2003 under FAIR USE principles--

(Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon Papers by Daniel Ellsberg Viking, 498 pp., $29.95, October 2002, 0 670 03030 9)

The subject of Daniel Ellsberg’s memoir is the decadence of American democracy. The conditions he began fighting in 1969 are much worse today and far more dangerous to many more people. Yet central casting could not have produced a more perfect foil for the American imperial Presidency than Ellsberg.

An infantry lieutenant in the Marine Corps with genuine battle experience in Vietnam, a PhD in economics from Harvard, and a defence intellectual employed by the Rand Corporation of Santa Monica, with the highest security clearances, Ellsberg is as good as the American system can produce in the way of a male citizen working in the foreign policy apparatus.

His odyssey from Pentagon staff officer to the man who spirited 47 volumes of top secret documents out of the Rand Corporation, copied them, and delivered them to the New York Times and a dozen other newspapers is breathtaking.

Ellsberg helped end the Vietnam War, but publication of this memoir now is not just a happy coincidence. The features of American government he documents - the cult of Presidential infallibility, the march of militarism, the executive’s routine lying to the other two branches and to the people, and the cancerous growth of official secrecy - are just as relevant today as they were thirty years ago. The United States, even the world, desperately needs more Ellsbergs.

Sunday, 13 June 1971 is a day I remember very clearly: the day when excerpts from the History of US Decision- Making in Vietnam, 1945-68 (the actual title of the ‘Pentagon Papers’) began to appear in the press. I was serving as a consultant to the CIA’s Office of National Estimates at the time. A collective sigh of relief went through the Agency: the truth was finally coming out.

CIA analysts, who had long known that the United States could not possibly ‘win’ the Vietnam War, would no longer have to pretend that victory was in sight. They had repeatedly warned the Government that things would only go from bad to worse.* But Presidents Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon were interested above all in the effects the war would have on the elections of 1964, 1968 and 1972 respectively.

The source of the revelations was not a long-haired anti-war radical but one of us: a Marine officer, an insider’s insider, who had acted out of patriotism but fully expected to go to prison - had it not been for the fallout from Watergate and Nixon’s stupidities, he might have been eligible for parole in 2008.

Ellsberg and I were both born in 1931. He made his first visit to Vietnam in 1961; I made my one and only visit in 1962. In my opinion, his is the best, and psychologically the most convincing, account of how a well-educated young American of the 1950s and 1960s could think of himself as a ‘liberal’ and still be a committed Cold Warrior. As he says, ‘whether we had a right - any more than the French before us - to pursue by fire and steel in Indochina the objectives our leaders had chosen was a question that never occurred to me.’

His parents were professionals, of Russian Jewish ancestry but born in the US, and devout Christian Scientists. He went to Harvard on a full fellowship from the Pepsi Cola Company and did a postgraduate year at Cambridge on a Woodrow Wilson scholarship. Conscription was still in effect, and after his educational deferments ran out, Ellsberg had to decide how to fulfil his military service obligation. On his return from Britain, he applied for officer candidate school in the Marine Corps and enrolled in graduate school at Harvard until called. His PhD oral took place on the day he left for the Marine Corps training base at Quantico, Virginia.

Ellsberg is proud of his service as a rifle platoon leader in the Third Battalion, Second Marine Division. I don’t know how far to believe him when he writes: ‘More important for me, the Corps didn’t bomb cities; in the Pacific and Korea, it fought soldiers, not civilians,’ though it’s not a wholly implausible claim.

A persistent theme is his abhorrence of both terror and so-called ‘precision’ bombing, and particularly of nuclear weapons, a subject on which he subsequently became an expert at Rand. Like many people, he doesn’t believe in the effectiveness of air power and takes the view that terror bombing imitates Nazi practices.

He extended his service in the Marine Corps until the Suez Crisis had passed. When President Eisenhower forced the British and French to end ‘their Suez adventure’, he was ‘surprised and proud as an American… When I picked up European magazines and saw photos of what our allies’ bombing planes had done to the city of Port Said at the head of the canal, I felt glad that Americans didn’t have to look at pictures like those as our work.’

Ellsberg returned to Harvard to write his doctoral dissertation - on a typically American subject, game theory - and then accepted a position with the Economics Department of the Rand Corporation. He was put to work on command and control problems in fighting a nuclear war.

Disillusionment set in at once. In the autumn of 1961, shortly after Kennedy had effectively exploited the so- called missile gap for his own electoral purposes, Ellsberg read a highly classified National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on the subject and discovered that it had all been a lie: there was a gap but it was ten to one in favour of the US. This, he said, had ‘a shocking effect on my professional worldview’. There were many more to come.

At this time, Ellsberg was not particularly interested in Vietnam. He had made a short trip to Saigon in 1961 and concluded (as I did) that the slogan ‘Sink or swim with Ngo Dinh Diem’ was a recipe for failure. In July 1964, however, he was asked by John McNaughton, the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, to join him in the Pentagon as his special assistant. The Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara, had given McNaughton responsibility for co- ordinating strategy towards Vietnam, and he wanted Ellsberg to take charge of the day-to-day details. Ellsberg, then 33 years old, was appointed at the exalted civil service grade of GS-18, equivalent in terms of status and salary to a position between major- general and lieutenant-general.

It would soon go to his head, as it does with everyone who is granted unrestricted access to secrets beyond top secret. He remembers telling Henry Kissinger in a briefing after Kissinger had become Nixon’s National Security Adviser:

“After you’ve started reading all this daily intelligence input and become used to using what amounts to whole libraries of hidden information, which is much more closely held than mere top secret data, you will forget that there ever was a time when you didn’t have it, and you’ll be aware only of the fact that you have it now and most others don’t… and that all those other people are fools… You’ll be thinking… ‘What would this man be telling me if he knew what I know? Would he be giving me the same advice, or would it totally change his predictions and recommendations?’ And that mental exercise is so torturous that after a while you give it up and just stop listening. I’ve seen this with my superiors, my colleagues… and with myself.”

His first full day at the Pentagon was 4 August 1964, the day the destroyer USS Maddox sent flash dispatches to Washington from the Gulf of Tonkin saying that it was ‘under continuous torpedo attack’. President Johnson went on television to tell the nation that the ship was on a ‘routine patrol in international waters’, that the attack was ‘unprovoked’, and that the US was the victim of a ‘deliberate pattern of naked aggression’. Johnson ordered the carrier USS Ticonderoga to launch air strikes against North Vietnam. On 7 August, by a vote of 416 to 0 in the House of Representatives and 88 to 2 in the Senate, Congress approved the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, setting the United States on a path to full-scale war against North Vietnam.

And yet, Ellsberg writes, ‘I was learning from cables, reports and discussions in the Pentagon the background that gave the lie to virtually everything told both to the public and more elaborately to Congress in secret session.’ The Vietnamese attack, if it had actually occurred at all, was assuredly provoked. The Maddox had been on a secret mission well inside Vietnamese territorial waters. The highest ranking officials of the US Government had approved the mission in advance. The director of Central Intelligence, John McCone, told the President that the North Vietnamese were ‘reacting defensively’. Nonetheless, Johnson personally lied to Senator William Fulbright, the highly respected chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in order to get him to sponsor the Tonkin Gulf Resolution in Congress.

Ellsberg took all this calmly. He accepted Johnson’s campaign slogan for the 1964 Presidential election - ‘We seek no wider war’ - even though he knew the President was moving in precisely the opposite direction. He believed that these deceptions were necessary ploys to defeat the Republican candidate, Senator Barry Goldwater, who wanted to use nuclear weapons against Vietnam and China.

In mid-1965, the legendary Major-General Edward Lansdale - ‘legendary’ for having thoroughly militarised the Philippine Government in the name of ‘counterinsurgency’ - was asked to return to Vietnam as special assistant to Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge. After hearing Lansdale talk in Washington, Ellsberg asked to join his team. He transferred from the Department of Defense to the Department of State at the same civil service grade, and set off for Saigon, still very much with the outlook of a Cold Warrior and a Marine infantry officer. Lansdale assigned him the job of visiting every province of South Vietnam and reporting on the ‘pacification’ efforts.

To do this, Ellsberg associated himself with another legendary figure, John Paul Vann, then working as an adviser to the US Agency for International Development. With Vann at the wheel of a jeep, they drove all over South Vietnam. Vann taught the neophyte Ellsberg many tricks of the trade: always drive fast because that makes it much harder for guerrillas to detonate a mine under your car, and always travel in the morning, after the previous night’s mines have been blown but before they have all been replaced.

During these inspection tours, Ellsberg went on patrol with American units and often found himself in combat. Even though he was technically a civilian, he could not go along as a simple observer. He got a Swedish K submachine-gun from the CIA and revived his skills as an infantryman. He was surprised to discover that, with a little experience, you can usually tell from the sound when a bullet is coming directly at you. From walking around up to his neck in flooded marshes he caught hepatitis. In mid-summer 1967, after he had recovered somewhat, he left Vietnam and returned to Rand.

This tour of duty was very important to Ellsberg’s political development. There was no pacification, since our South Vietnamese allies simply had no stomach for fighting their fellow Vietnamese. He discovered that the conflict was not a civil war, as so many academics around the world believed. One side, the South, was entirely equipped and paid for by a foreign power. As he writes, ‘we were not fighting on the wrong side; we were the wrong side.’

Back in the US, Ellsberg was particularly incensed by the daily drumbeat of official statements from the President, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of State and the high command in Vietnam, all of them insisting that the US was making great ‘progress’ in winning the hearts and minds of the South Vietnamese people.

Then came the Tet Offensive of 29 January 1968 - simultaneous Vietcong attacks in almost every province of South Vietnam as well as in Saigon itself. The scale of the offensive strongly suggested that American leaders were either incompetent or lying. On 10 March, the New York Times published a leak from inside the Pentagon to the effect that General William Westmoreland, the commanding officer in Vietnam, was asking for 206,000 more troops. Neil Sheehan and Hedrick Smith reported this leak, which was accurate and had a devastating effect on Congress and the American people.

It did not come from Ellsberg, but ‘as I observed the effect of this leak,’ he recalls, ‘it was as if clouds had suddenly opened. I realised something crucial: that the President’s ability to escalate, his entire strategy throughout the war, had depended on secrecy and lying and thus on his ability to deter unauthorised disclosures - truth-telling - by officials.’ It dawned on Ellsberg that, in the wake of Tet and the leak, President Johnson could not get away with his deceptions any longer.

Ellsberg was recalled from Rand to Washington to join a high-level working group evaluating the full range of options on Vietnam for the incoming Secretary of Defense, Clark Clifford. In the capital he learned that McNamara had ordered John McNaughton to organise the writing of an internal historical study of US involvement in Vietnam from 1945 to the present based on top secret documents. McNaughton assigned the project to his deputy, Morton Halperin, who in turn delegated leadership of the work to his deputy, Leslie Gelb. At the time neither Halperin nor Gelb had ever been to Vietnam.

They, in turn, hired Ellsberg to write one of the projected 47 volumes, and he chose to work on JFK and the year 1961. One of the first things he did was to obtain from the CIA all the National Intelligence Estimates for Indochina from 1950 to 1960. ‘What was evident in each one of the years of major decision was that the President’s choice was not founded upon optimistic reporting or on assurances of the success of his chosen course.’ Ellsberg thus began to ask himself a forbidden question: why did every one of the Presidents from Truman to Johnson ‘mislead the public and Congress about what he was doing in Indochina?’ He had discovered part of the answer: it was not because the President’s subordinates deceived him.

The Pentagon Papers do not take the story beyond 31 March 1968, the day Lyndon Johnson announced that he would not run for re-election. The entire nation took his decision to mean that, whoever won the election, the new President would end the war through a negotiated withdrawal such as the one that had already been agreed in Laos. No one imagined that in the years to come the United States would drop enough bombs on Vietnam to equal just under three times World War Two’s total tonnage.

Ellsberg returned to Rand, but his research on the history of American policy in Vietnam had intrigued him. He therefore arranged to have a complete set of the Pentagon Papers transferred out of channels to his top secret safe at the Rand Corporation in California, where he could continue to study them in detail.

The trigger that set in motion the biggest leak of classified documents in American history, a constitutional crisis over the First Amendment’s protection of press freedom and Nixon’s resignation, was an article by Ted Sell on the front page of the Los Angeles Times of 30 September 1969 entitled ‘Murder Charges against Green Berets Dropped by Army’.

>From it Ellsberg learned that the Secretary of the Army, Stanley Resor, had ordered the military commander in Vietnam, General Creighton Abrams, to suspend the courts martial of Colonel Robert Rheault, commander of all Special Forces in Vietnam, and five other intelligence officers. They had been charged with killing a Vietnamese who had worked for them for the previous six years and then dropping his body in a weighted bag into the South China Sea. Their defence was that they thought he was a double agent. Interestingly enough, though this is not mentioned by Ellsberg, the author of the original screenplay of Apocalypse Now, John Milius, has said that the character of Kurtz, the maniacal American officer played by Marlon Brando, was inspired by Rheault.

Ellsberg was enraged by all the lies Resor proffered in his defence and by the comments of various Congressmen on how bad it would be for morale should American troops face criminal charges ‘just for killing one Vietnamese civilian in cold blood’. In his 1994 diary H.R. Haldeman, Nixon’s chief of staff, confirmed that it had been Nixon and Kissinger who gave the orders to stop the prosecution - which was exactly what Ellsberg had suspected. ‘It occurred to me,’ he writes, ‘that what I had in my safe at Rand was seven thousand pages of documentary evidence of lying, by four Presidents and their Administrations over 23 years, to conceal plans and actions of mass murder. I decided I would stop concealing that myself.’

On 1 October 1969, aided by his Rand colleague Anthony Russo and using a primitive Xerox machine in the office of Russo’s friend Lynda Sinay, the owner of a small advertising agency, Ellsberg began his monumental task. Working through the night, he and his friends would copy 47 volumes of the Pentagon Papers, cutting off the top and bottom markings on each page that read Top Secret so that they could later make more copies in commercial copy-shops.

Once finished, he gave a full set of the Papers to Senator Fulbright and tried to interest Senators Gaylord Nelson and George McGovern in publicising them or printing them in the Congressional Record. But Congressional courage, then as now, was in short supply. No Senator, not even Fulbright, accepted his offer.

On 2 March 1971, Ellsberg called Neil Sheehan of the New York Times. Sheehan was interested but never gave Ellsberg any assurances that the Times would publish the Pentagon Papers either in whole or in part. He also insisted that Ellsberg give him a full set of the Papers to show his editors. Ellsberg realised that if he did that he would cease to have any control over what the Times did with them or with him - it was after all possible that he would be turned over to the FBI before he could get the Papers out.

Ellsberg heard nothing from Sheehan for several weeks. In the meantime, as Ellsberg later discovered, Sheehan had gone in secret to Cambridge, Massachusetts, where Ellsberg and his wife were living. Knowing the Ellsbergs were out of town and using a key Ellsberg had lent him (Ellsberg never explains why), Sheehan gained access to the apartment of Ellsberg’s wife’s younger brother, to whom Ellsberg had entrusted a set of Papers for safe-keeping. Sheehan removed the Papers and he and his wife photocopied them before returning them to the apartment.

Without saying anything to Ellsberg, the Times worked at a feverish pace to get the Papers ready for publication. On 12 June, a friend at the Times, assuming that Ellsberg already knew about it, called to say that the Papers were coming out the following day. Ellsberg was panic-stricken, thinking he might be arrested at any time. He hastily removed a set of the Papers from his own apartment and lodged them with Howard Zinn, a prominent anti-war activist. Ellsberg and his wife went into hiding and for 13 days managed to evade the FBI. Although he was pleased that the New York Times was publishing the Papers, Ellsberg found it easy to control his enthusiasm for the paper’s integrity in its dealings with him.

For the first time in American history, an Administration successfully obtained an injunction against a newspaper to stop a story it did not like. The New York Times ceased publication of the Pentagon Papers. On 30 June, the Supreme Court by a vote of six to three voided the injunction on constitutional grounds and publication resumed. In the meantime, in order to ensure that as many copies of the Papers as possible became available to the public, Ellsberg spent his last few days of freedom sending them to 18 other newspapers, including the Washington Post, all of which began publishing them.

On 28 June Ellsberg surrendered to Federal authorities in Boston. He was charged with a variety of felonies, although after carefully researching the matter, his attorney told him that he had probably not violated any existing law. As it happened, his fate wasn’t decided by a jury, but instead became enmeshed with the debacle at the White House and the scandal surrounding the Republican Party’s burglary of the offices of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate office building.

Nixon was never enthusiastic about using legal means to try to stop the New York Times from publishing the Pentagon Papers, or about getting Ellsberg convicted in a Federal court. He was, however, scared to death that Ellsberg had or was receiving more secret documents not just about previous Administrations but about his own. ‘Daniel Ellsberg is the most dangerous man in America. He must be stopped at all costs,’ Kissinger had said in the presence of the President.

In fact, Ellsberg did not have any materials touching on the Nixon Administration, but the President and Kissinger didn’t know that. Nixon therefore ordered Charles Colson, an official on his staff, to come up with a plan to ‘neutralise’ Ellsberg. Colson in turn enlisted the services of a former CIA officer called Howard Hunt, who had been the mastermind behind the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba.

Hunt had several creative ideas. One was to send his agents to break into the offices of Ellsberg’s psychiatrist, Dr Lewis Fielding, in Beverly Hills. They were hoping to find material they could use to blackmail Ellsberg into silence and perhaps also to embarrass Dr Fielding into testifying against his patient. However, the burglary of Dr Fielding’s office on 3 September proved to be, in Hunt’s words, a ‘dry hole’.

Some months later, on 3 May 1972, on the orders of Colson, the White House arranged to fly some Cuban- American veterans of the Bay of Pigs to Washington from Miami. They were told that Ellsberg (now released on bail) would be attending an anti-war rally on the steps of the Capitol and were instructed to assault him - to ‘break his legs’. The thugs did not go through with the plan when they realised that the crowd was too big to allow them to escape.

Meanwhile, the White House had invited Judge Matthew Byrne, the presiding magistrate at Ellsberg’s trial, to Nixon’s home in San Clemente, California. There Byrne met the President and his aide John Ehrlichman, who offered him the position of director of the FBI. It was an unspoken bribe to put Ellsberg away. But by then the Watergate investigation was gathering steam, and on 27 April 1973 the Watergate prosecutor sent Judge Byrne a letter telling him about the Fielding break-in.

On 30 April the judge received an FBI report of an interview with Ehrlichman, in which he admitted that the White House had ordered the burglary of Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office. That evening Ehrlichman and Haldeman resigned from the President’s staff. Simultaneously, Richard Helms, the director of the CIA, revealed that on the President’s orders the CIA had prepared a profile of Ellsberg, which by law it was forbidden to do where an American citizen was concerned. By now it was beginning to dawn on Judge Byrne that if this went much further, he rather than Ellsberg might end up in a Federal penitentiary. On 11 May, he accepted a motion for the dismissal of all charges against Ellsberg.

The story of the Pentagon Papers raises at least three questions of considerable contemporary relevance. The first derives from Ellsberg’s interest in the matter of Presidential lying. Was the problem then, as it is again today, that all American Presidents prefer to lie rather than to tell the public what it has a right to know?

Printable Version

- DEMOS: NIIGATA…HIROSHIMA….OSAKA, SHIGA, EHIME, HOKKAIDO, SHIZUOKA, TOKYO, NAGOYA..

UPDATED 24 hours a day (almost)

SAME CITY MAY HAVE OTHER EVENTS BELOW.

USE COMMENTS AT BOTTOM OR EMAIL TO
http://www.tokyoprogressive.org/mail2paul.html

OTHER JAPAN LINKS
http://unitedforpeace.org/calendar.php?bydate=02-15-03&area=53

NEW TOKYO INFO

West Exit of Shinjuku Station Turn the West Exit Space of Shinjuku Station into Anti War Space! ?V?h?¼Œû‚ð�?½?í?L?ê‚É?I

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MORE TOKYO AND OTHER CITIES BELOW
------------------------------------------

U.S. Embassy

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‚dƒ??[ƒ‹?Fkawasaki@jca.apc.org ?@“¡‰ª—æŽq?@Œg‘Ñ?F‚O‚X‚O?|‚T‚S‚R‚O?|‚V‚U‚S‚P?@
‚dƒ??[ƒ‹?F

Dear all,

There is another interesting event in the morning of Feb 15. These people
have been lobbying embassies of various countries in the past few weeks.
Let’s join them.

Date: Feb 15 from 11:00 to 12:30

Place: US embassy(Akasaka 1-10-5, Minato-ward, 7 minute from Exit B13 of
Tameikesannou Station on Ginza line)

Bring any placards, photos, etc you like! Let’s get attentions of media
companies. We will give our letters and photo albums of Iraqi children to US
embassy staff. Our events will be reported to the US government, so lots of
people are encouraged to come!

Mari Takenouchi
(translator, Anti-nuclear activist)

------------------------------
Hiroshima and Fukuoka both have events on Feb 16 *this is a very long list of events in Japanese*
http://www.h2.dion.ne.jp/~hiroseto/HIROSHIMA/PEACE/NOWAR/action0302.html

---------------
Fukuoka is from 3:00 meeting at is it Ootsuka park (?) and moving to the American consulate
http://www.photo-patrone.org/0215demo.htm
------------------

OSAKA

OSAKA PROTEST FEB 15:
Regarding the Osaka protest on Feb 15 mentioned above, it is definitely happening. It begins at 4:00pm in Ogimachi-koen in Osaka (and there will be an acutal march starting at 5pm). For a map click on the 2nd link on the website http://www.ewaosaka.org/jp/index.html

-------------
YOKOHAMA

戦争反対！平和の白いリボン・神奈川行動実行委員会からのお知らせです。

イラク攻撃・日本の戦争協力に反対する街頭行動　第２回

２月１６日（日）ごご２時～３時
横浜駅西口高島屋前

２月９日の第１回の街頭行動ではチラシを受け取ってくださる方が多く、
市民はやはり平和を願っているのだと実感しました。
第２回の行動にも是非ご参加下さい。

------------
TOKYO

Tokyo Feb.12-15 everyday

アメリカ大使館前首都圏行動 (東京)

　東京の気温は0～10℃。しっかり防寒し、イラク攻撃反対のメッセージを大きく書いたものをもって参加してください。平和ネットの事務局のメンバーが毎日交代で座ります。一人で心細い方、大丈夫ですよ！　必ず誰かいます。一人二人と仲間がふえますように。
日時：1月16日（水）～2月上旬（情勢をみながら進めます）
　　　　毎日9:00～17:00　土日も行います
場所：アメリカ大使館前　東京都港区赤坂1-10-5
　　　　　地下鉄銀座線、南北線「溜池山王」下車13番出口に地図あり
問合わせ先：キリスト者平和ネット03-3203-0374
URL : http://www.jca.apc.org/~cp_net/

---------------------------
Tokyo Feb.17 every monday

2003-02-17 18:00 白いリボン東京（渋谷モアイ像） (東京)
日時：毎週月曜日　午後6時から約1時間（雨天中止）
場所：渋谷駅モアイ像近辺
活動内容：街頭アピール行動
連絡先：橋本　090-8687-4746　
　　　　アツミ　

-------------
NIIGATA

I’m in Gosen, a small city in Niigata about three hours away from Tokyo via Shikanzen. I posted the letter below to the ETJ group and Jalt TCSIG group. Much as I’d like to go to Tokyo I feel it may be better to do something locally. I’m planning to round up a few people to help me distribute leaflets in the local town. Ideally I’d like to create a mini carnival. I’ll juggle bombs below a US warplane and play my Shakuhachi to attract attention. Hopefully others can talk to people and hand out leaflets. If you were to make a placard for Japanese people what five points/slogans (or three if five is too many) would you make against the war. Answers in English and Japanese (if possible!), quickly, please.

“Chris Hunt” ---------

MORE BELOW FROM SAME AND OTHER PLACES

FUKUOKA

はじまる前に戦争を止めよう！民衆の力で戦争を止めよう！
２・１５世界同時イラク反戦行動　米領事館前抗議行動

と　き／２月１５日（土）午後３時より
　　　　　　　　　　　（午後４時半ころ終了）
ところ／大濠公園西端・米領事館前

◎ イラク反戦へむけたスピーチや演奏など、参加者の表現
　で集会を構成。
◎ 米政府への抗議・要請文を領事館へ渡します。当実行委
　　　　　　　でも用意しますが、独自のものもご用意ください。
※ 雨天でも決行します。
※ プラカード、横断幕など、「イラク攻撃反対」を表現
するグッズ、コスチュームをご用意・ご持参ください。
※ 楽器や鳴り物などご用意ください。
（小型アンプを用意します）
　行動呼びかけ／アメリカのイラク攻撃を許さない実行委員会
　連絡先／沖縄とむすぶ市民行動・福岡
　　　　　TEL／FAX　（０９２）６５１－８８５３（三月書房）
　　　　　E－mail　nobase_okinawa@104.net

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LINK/PHOTO/2003年1月19日福岡市
http://www.photo-patrone.org/0215demo.htm

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Tokyo Feb.8 & 15 AMERICAN EMBASSY 11:00 to 12:30

Contact these people:
‚O‚X‚O?|‚W‚R‚P‚O?|‚T‚R‚V‚O
?@?@IKEDA?@ponzu@livedoor.com
?@?@NAKAMURA?@Keikonamaste@aol.com

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War is not the Answer. Answer is Dugong. Champuru Walk IN NAHA,Okinawa
Sunday, February 16th 2003 12:00-16:00
Naha, International

12:00 Rally
13:15 Peace Walk

Location: Okinawa prefectural park in front of prefectural office Naha International
Contact: ZENKO(National Assembly for Peace and Democracy) 81-6-6930-5206
http://www.zenko-peace.com/

MORE OKINAWA

昨日の行動、30数名参加。やはりパネルに見入る通行人多い。

---
　2/8（土）午後2時～　県庁前広場にてバグダッド写真パネル展と情宣
　　　　　　→（5時～）国際通りデモ
　2/15（土）午後2時～　コザ運動公園（野球場前広場）集合
　　　　　　→第2ゲートまでデモ→カデナ第1ゲート前集会
　2/22（土）午後1時～5時　那覇市民会館2Ｆ中ホールにて「バグダッド派遣団報告会」
（呼びかけ／平和市民連絡会）

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?@?@’r“c‰À‘ã?@ponzu@livedoor.com
?@?@’†‘ºŒjŽq?@Keikonamaste@aol.com

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Hokkaido Feb. 11

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Ehime Feb. 11

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Tokyo Feb. 14

?¢ŠE‚Æ˜A‘Ñ‚µ‚Q?E‚P‚SƒCƒ‰ƒN?UŒ‚�?½‘Î?W‰ï‚Ö?I?@

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–â?‡‚¹?F‚Q?E‚P‚S‘å?W‰ïŽ––±‹Ç??03-5842-5630 ?B‚Q?E‚P‚S?W‰ïƒEƒFƒuƒTƒCƒg?B
http://www.zenroren.gr.jp/jp/no_war/index.html

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Sapporo, Hokkaido Feb. 15

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Shizuoka Feb. 15

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Shiga Feb. 15

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Osaka Feb. 15

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Osaka Feb. 15

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Tokyo Feb. 16

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Nagoya Feb. 16

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Kyoto Feb. 16

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Tokyo Feb. 19

2.19?@?u‚í‚½‚µ‚½‚¿‚�?ƒCƒ‰ƒN?í‘ˆ‚É�?½‘Î‚µ‚Ü‚·?v2.19?W‰ï?i‰¼?Ì?j?i“Œ‹ž?j

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Printable Version

- Japanese Peace Group Puts Ad in Washington Post

WASHINGTON — A Japanese citizens’ group and a former U.S. servicemen’s group placed an advertisement opposing a war on Iraq in the Washington Post’s Thursday editions, asking, “Is America addicted to war?”

“Please bring your soldiers home. Iraq is contaminated with radiation from depleted uranium used by the U.S., causing suffering of Iraqi children and Persian Gulf War veterans and their children,” the Global Peace Campaign said in the ad addressed to U.S. President George W Bush from “concerned citizens of Japan.”

http://www.japantoday.com/e/?content=news&id=248668#bbspost

The ad, co-sponsored by the Veterans for Peace, also said, “We know the effects of radiation from experience. Peace for Iraq, the U.S. and all of the world.”

Global Peace Campaign was launched by freelance journalist Yumi Kikuchi, of Kamogawa, Chiba Prefecture, shortly after the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States.

The group has placed similar antiwar ads in newspapers in the United States since then. (Kyodo News)

Printable Version

- Justice Dept. Drafts Sweeping Secret Expansion of Anti-Terrorism Act

WASHINGTON, Feb. 7, 2003)—The Bush Administration is preparing a bold, comprehensive sequel to the USA Patriot Act passed in the wake of September 11, 2001, which will give the government broad, sweeping new powers to increase domestic intelligence-gathering, surveillance and law enforcement prerogatives, and simultaneously decrease judicial review and public access to information.

The Center for Public Integrity has obtained a draft, dated January 9, 2003, of this previously undisclosed legislation and is making it available in full text (12 MB). The bill, drafted by the staff of Attorney General John Ashcroft and entitled the Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 2003, has not been officially released by the Department of Justice, although rumors of its development have circulated around the Capitol for the last few months under the name of “the Patriot Act II�? in legislative parlance.

Full text of report in pdf format

Printable Version

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